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Frigotto, G. (Ed.) (1998). Educação e Crise do Trabalho

 

Frigotto, G. (Ed.) (1998). Educação e Crise do Trabalho: Perspectivas de Final de Século (Education and the Crisis of Work: Perspectives at the End of the Century). Petropolis, Brazil: RJ: Vozes.

230 pp.

ISBN 85-326-2027-2

Reviewed by Cesar A. Rossatto
The University of Texas at El Paso

August 18, 2002

Educação e Crise do Trabalho: Perspectivas de Final de Século is a collection of voices with an underlying Marxist intonation that seeks to interconnect various social agencies and to challenge understandings of the historical determinants which explain social, economic, cultural and unequal or excluding educational systems. At the same time, the book searches for constructions of social/socialist alternatives of egalitarian character and solidarity. The rationale of these alternatives is a desire to amplify the public democratic spheres as accessible to various social classes, the establishment of a less polarized class system, the enhancement of rights to both basic education and to formal technological and professional training, and the right of all citizens to health care, culture and entertainment, retirement, access to work and dignified salaries. In the context of these intertwined factors, Educação e Crise do Trabalho: Perspectivas de Final de Século examines the relations of the world of production and reproduction of human life and its formative and educational processes. It offers analysis and perspectives, and focuses on the central basic reality of developed and underdeveloped capitalist countries such as Italy (Europe), Mexico and the U.S. (North America), and most particularly Brazil and/or Latin America. The experience of globalization in these different nations and continents is, of course, markedly different. For developed countries it is easier to cope with economic transition and change, whereas for countries in the process of development many of these same changes can be literally catastrophic.

In short, the central point stated in the book is that industrialization in these countries that have not yet fully transitioned to a globalized and industrialized economy is the exclusive luxury of an economically dominant portion of the world’s population, to the exclusion of the majority of its inhabitants. The authors state that the continuity of capitalist paradigm only survives concomitally with the destruction of the environment, destruction and sterilization of labor and the increase of globalizing exclusions. In other words, globalization concentrates and diminishes jobs, by excluding professionals in most of the world and by amplifying unequal paces of economic and cultural development. Therefore, one of the central actions proposed by the authors is the formation of counter-hegemonic projects. If on one hand the educational system fosters schooling the central goal of which is mere employability or vocational training, then new demands must be made for an education that prepares individuals to face new and unpredictable situations in the contemporary, technological, and non-static work force. Because the rationale of the present hegemonic, neoliberal politics of corporate power is to foster an era of a labor force restrained from its normal functions, then only the flexible employability fostered by individual competence can guarantee the success of world labor relations; unfortunately, the current socio-economic dictates of the globalized economy deny the majority of the world's population the opportunity to gain this sort of individual competence through education and opportunity. In this sense, the metaphor “free market” is a contradiction, because in reality it is not free to everyone; it is a systematic structure that privileges a few in positions of power or economic advantage, perpetuating their access to the means of economic prosperity at the cost of all others' access to those means.

Thus, according to the authors there must begin an urgent and necessary dialogue between professionals of different capacities and areas of expertise to rethink theories of education within a more holistic approach, with views and understandings of global perspectives. The objective of a modern pedagogy is to understand the complex process of humanization to best assist the “educatee” (student) in this trajectory. To educate according to the book is nothing else than to humanize, to walk towards emancipation, to a responsible autonomy, to subjective moralities and ethics. If the techno-vocational education promoted by neoliberalism and globalization is dehumanizing, then the counter-hegemonic pedagogical theory and practice must be determinate to assist the educatee in becoming more human.

At the end of the century in Brazil, education had increased the accessibility to the school clientele, but at the same time degenerated the pedagogical methods and lowered the quality of the education, in a process mirrored in the U.S. by the rampant move towards standardization. In other words, this process has given the people the way to school, but has systematically denied them quality education. It made it far easier to obtain a college degree, but also devalued those degrees by diluting the content of the educational process in the name of expediency. This process thus reduced the efficiency and the employability of the work force. The ideology upon which this phenomenon is based asserts that investment in human capital permits underdeveloped countries to develop themselves autonomously, and provides individuals within these countries guarantees of better employment, more productivity; in this way, the neoliberal discourse states, the populations of underdeveloped countries are given more opportunity for upward socio-economic mobility. Thus, today formal education and personal qualifications are situated as elements of competitive advantage in the labor pool and productive restructuralization and employability.

Before presenting my critique let me state the insightful contribution of this book. Without doubt, it must be said that when confronted with the neoliberal discourse of corporate enterprise, we have never had a greater or more acute need than we do now for the development of a critical analysis of that discourse, especially in the context of current corporate corruption and scandals. In this sense this book sheds new light on understandings of that discourse and its consequence to humans and the environment. It offers alternative solutions in the struggle against the pragmatic neoliberal discourse of expediency that limits education to training, standardization, and dehumanization. For countries in Latin America and Central America, for instance, globalization has had an even more devastating impact than what its citizens suffered during colonization (Chomsky, 1999). In particular, the economic collapse of Argentina illustrates that the country and its citizens are still in middle of a major crisis. In other countries companies are forced to lay off hundreds or thousands of employees (especially after September 11) as a consequence of the so-called "globalization of the economy” and “war on global terrorism,” as if such economic brutalizations are the only alternatives to the problems faced by the economy, rather than a deconstruction of the dictates of the market. Brazil already has twenty percent unemployment and the population is forced from without to accept and undertake a given economic and social reality. The masses are alienated and manipulated to believe these are unquestionable realities when in reality corporate power is going from bad ethics to evil. With established agreements such as NAFTA the clear consequence is that dominant groups’ interests have fewer barriers in their exploitation of working classes and are less challenged in their promotion of capitalistic, neoliberal ideology. Thus, this book proposes the possibility of counter-hegemonic opportunity for freedom by changing an oppressive reality for a better one. Ultimately, say the authors, the populations still have choices to counter act.

Nevertheless, structures and paradigms, not merely human choices, are the central causes of disenfranchisement, deprivation, and oppression. The power of the market, corporate power, has become the central dominating force of all social endeavors. Hundreds of thousands of people dislocate themselves from place to place in search of employment following the movements and relocations of industry, and usually the corporations move where productivity and profit can be maximized through the maximal exploitation of labor and the environment. They move where the labor unions are weak and the citizens less organized, where the government does little to protect people or the environment. On the other hand, the people find themselves at the mercy of transnational corporate power which dictates economic policy and allocates resources to best fit its own interests and convenience (Chomsky, 1999). New inner cities or shantytowns are formed, composing an agglomeration of people rather than well planned communities. In the end, the thousands of people in these communities are exposed to horrifying living conditions and health consequences. Besides the human rights element that all of us ought to defend, these and other issues also are concerns not only at local level but also at the global level as well.

I would like to point out that the corporate state force has considerable influence on human nature and culture, as if it is an almighty enterprise where humans are forced to surrender their self will, power, and destiny. It has become a powerful entity that denies people the ability to best assert their local collective beliefs, goals, and control the directions of their economic affairs and interests. Usually it is the working class and peasants that become an easy target to the transnational state exploitation. They are the majority labor population, the most impoverished and in the assembling work frontlines. In other words, this is impact of the corporate enterprise on human culture. What globalization proposes is that human fate be subjugated to corporate interests through a process of training towards automatization rather then an education towards citizenship, creativity and critical thinking; entire generations are induced to conform to a given standardized schooling. Yet these corporations don’t play allegiance to the country they “visit” or exploit.

Thus, this book addresses an important and relevant aspect of capitalism and briefly of patriarchalism within the context of the pro-market neoliberal paradigm of globalization; nevertheless it fails to analyze the racial aspects of exclusion and inclusion. The book states that its intent is to look at an ample perspective that qualifies and explains the historical social, economic, and cultural reality embodied in an unequal and exclusionary educational system, yet the effects of whiteness in this context are very pertinent in such broad analysis of hegemonic structures of education and labor force perspectives.

For instance, one question that could and needed to be asked is who are the excluded, or who benefits from the globalization and neoliberalism? Studies done in Brazil just as in the United States assert that even among the poorest, the persons of dark skin color are most likely to be on the bottom, in contrast to an almost exclusive white majority in position of privilege, revealing a vital need for an analysis of racial inequality (Cunha, 1988).

According to Allen, (2001) the class-focused Marxist discourse is inadequate, at least when dealing with race relations, because most of those who identify themselves as Marxist scholars tend to be white. He states that there is a need to balance out white Marxist discourse with critical race theory. In other words Marxist critiques fall short when “balancing out” class, race, and gender discourses by focusing mainly on class, erring to see race and gender as a greater totality of oppression. In this sense if this book would make this analysis it would close the gap of seeing the issue of exclusion not only from a class perspective but also from a racial one and a more thorough gender one.

Evidently since this book was written in 1998 and very little has changed since then, with the exception of worsening the reality after the September 11 historical mark, and since critical race theory is a very new theory that is yet to be widely spread, it is understood that new developments are taking place. In Brazil for instance, the dissemination of a new awareness about the implementation of affirmative action is becoming a reality even while sadly in the U.S. it is slowly fading away. Nonetheless, since many scholars state that capitalism has been global since its inception with European colonization, whiteness or white privilege or internalized racism has also been the major hegemonic oppressive structure (just like patriarchalism); indeed, European imperialism and its contemporary analogue of economic globalization can be actually called the globalization of white supremacy (Allen, 2001). In this sense the book’s address of capitalism's failures and crises of education and labor can also be understood within this context of the globalization of white supremacy. Even though this book is worthwhile reading because of its insightful contribution to current understandings of globalization of the economy, capitalism's pitfalls, and neoliberalism, globalization and labor crises should be equally important as the deconstruction of whiteness and patriarchalism.

References

Allen, R. L. (2001). The globalization of white supremacy: Toward a critical discourse on the racialization of the world. Educational Theory. Fall, Vol. 51, number 4.

Chomsky, N. (1999). Latin America: From colonization to globalization. Australia: Ocean Press.

Cunha, L. A. (1988). Educacao, Estado e Democracia no Brasil. [Education, State and Democracy in Brazil]. Sao Paulo: Tabela 1-5, PNAD, 1988.

About the Book Author

Gaudêncio Frigotto is professor in the Graduate School of Education at the Universidade Federal Fluminense, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. He is the author of numerous books and articles.

About the Reviewer

Cesar Augusto Rossatto is an Assistant Professor at the University of Texas at El Paso. He teaches courses in critical pedagogy, critical multiculturalism, social justice, sociology of education, and Social, Historical, and Philosophical Foundations. He is committed to activism, dialectic, and dialogical education and praxis for the liberation of disenfranchised groups. He is also well versed on Paulo Freire's work, critical temporal theory, social context of education, organizational politics, and urban education with deep familiarity with U.S. and Latin American cross-cultural issues, Brazilian culture in particular. His main research interests are: The U.S. and Mexican border within the context of Globalization and Neo Liberalism, social relations and Brazilian identity formation in Florida and its implications to schooling, the phenomenon of fatalism and optimism in contrast with social classes’ differences, the application of critical pedagogy, and the effects of whiteness in Brazil and in the United States. Some of his publications include: Transformative optimism: Engaging Paulo Freire’s pedagogy of possibility. (Peter Lang Publishing, Inc, Forthcoming book); Social Transformative Pedagogies: Grass root and popular schooling in Brazil. Childhood Education International Journal. Fall 2001; The Freirean legacy: Educating for social justice. (Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. 2002); The whiteness experience in contrast with racial conflicts: Studies of Brazilian and U.S. American realities (A co-authored book chapter, which was published in Brazil, December 2000).

 

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