Bernardino, Joaze, & Galdino, Daniela (orgs.). (2004) Levando a raça a sério: ação afirmativa e universidade & Gomes, Nilma Lino, & Martins, Aracy Alves (orgs.). (2004) Affirming rights: Entry and successful performance of Black youth at the university). Reviewed by Dr. Francis Musa Boakari

Bernardino, Joaze, & Galdino, Daniela (orgs.). (2004) Levando a raça a sério: ação afirmativa e universidade (Taking race seriously: Affirmative action and the university). Rio de Janeiro: DP&A;, 2004. Pp. 256     ISBN: 85-7490-294-2 Gomes, Nilma Lino, & Martins, Aracy Alves (orgs.). (2004) Afirmando direitos: acesso e permanência de jovens negros na universidade. (Affirming rights: Entry and successful performance of Black youth at the university). Belo Horizonte: Autêntica, 2004. Pp. 296     ISBN: 85-7526-139-8 Reviewed by Dr. Francis Musa Boakari Professor, Univ. of the Incarnate Word, San Antonio, TX. February 26, 2007 Pedagogy of the different: The Transformative power of social education and schooling Brazil's racism is the problematic subject of these two books. It is the importance of this subject that justifies a review of both publications. The two groups of authors provide solid foundations and necessary material for the successful development of what I call Pedagogy of the different in Brazilian society. As social action that brings together different individuals with shared goals and expectations, this pedagogical modality emphasizes the power of transformation residing in the educational process. For the attentive Brazilian reader who incorporates the external world reality into his/her quest to understand the local social environment and closely follows the daily news at the beginning of the XXI century, the titles of the two books should immediately raise a red flag. What is generally presented using those labels is information about conflicts between different groups with interrelated interests that could easily be complementary. Nonetheless, these common interests are more frequently being used as justifications for inhuman treatments, mostly considered barbaric. One reason that could explain this situation is that the members of these cultural groups are exposed to and assimilate information about one another that is misconstrued to serve particular interests and not the common good. Without knowing each other more realistically, their interrelationships become guided by assumptions and unfounded preconceived notions. In this manner, prejudices are strengthened to become the building blocks for the distrust and subjugation of others that feed discriminatory practices and their consequences. If issues related to difference explained the main problems of the past century, there are already strong indications that questions related to identity and imperceptible co-identities will continue to play the same explanatory role in the next century. Contemporary atrocities like 9/11 attacks provide some evidence for the hypothesis above mentioned. Questions related to differences in their myriad manifestations (meanings), especially their everyday questions, are an integral part of people's lives. These days, there are numerous incidents indicating that anyone who refuses to pay attention to discussions, activities, actions, and decisions about those who are "different from us," is basically refusing to look at him/herself because "those others" are really we ourselves. It is within this framework that I call attention to Pedagogy of the different ... for today's socially conscious. All are human beings. However, there are natural characteristics and other, constructed qualities we employ in order to either affirm differences or build barriers when we so choose. Through this process, people develop their identities that serve as necessary points of reference for a self-knowing that needs confirmation from others who are expected to affirm that the person's primary identity positively compares to what they know of the individual; that is, to support the fact that the person is who he/she considers him/herself to be. Other persons help the individual know him/herself better because they provide the necessary comparative element. This way, elements of difference play the fundamental role in the construction of diverse individualities that are supported by the multiple identities that pertain to each individual. There is a need to incorporate differences and multiple identities (diversity) in all their varied dimensions in order to initiate Pedagogy of the different. Within this context, regarding a society like the Brazilian, which does not only pride itself upon its rich diversity in terms of racial, ethnic, cultural, regional, and even indigenous groups, but also benefits from this condition, the authors of the books being reviewed extend an open invitation to the reader to inform him/herself more appropriately about Brazilians who appear different, like Black and indigenous people. Women, especially Black women, fall into this category of the different for more than just one reason. These publications provide good reading for the individual who does not believe that "racial democracy" is logically contradictory as experienced in the daily lives of many Brazilians. The two books also contain valuable information both for those against and those in favor of affirmative action policies supporting underrepresented group members, especially as these pertain to university education. Also to be found in these texts are basic data helpful for the comprehension of some of the factors that help explain Brazil's historical and present-day contradictory nature regarding race. If the socially conscious today fail to assume their responsibilities as citizens engaged in the construction of a Brazil whose essence is its diversity, the country will continue to lose its "Brazilianess" (brasilidade). For the reader, the books offer details indicating the need to get involved in "building a new Brazil," a society in which everybody is valued because of his/her skills and concrete contributions, as in the hopefully prophetic words of Martin Luther King, "I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character." For King and others who believe in the force of organized civil society, a truly meritocratic society, one wherein opportunities, expectations, assessments, and forms of social recognition are the same for all, is always much better because it stimulates people to perform to the best of their abilities. Similarly, it becomes an environment where everybody has equal rights to creativity and individual forms of self-expression, collaboration, dignity, and respect. What country is this? It is necessary for Brazilians to change in order for the country to have a chance to grow and join other countries with possibilities of performing well in a competitive and globalized world. Nonetheless, to make this become reality, the primary task of all Brazilians is to know themselves as they really are in the concrete terms of their historical and contemporary realities. Through the strategies of Pedagogy of the different, the texts in the two books provide instruments useful for facing this challenge. In the 1950s, the Brazilian intellectual elite tried to define the country as "civilized." There was a felt need to exemplify civility urgently because members of this group understood that such a self-definition, or even better, to believe that one's country was about to become civilized, would automatically make it one. Those who defended such a move seemed to have forgotten that just as it does not make sense to call a flower a rose when it is not, much less transform it into a one, no country can become 'civilized' simply because the elite so desires. A name only bears the weight of its meaning when it refers to that which is being named so. Names are indicators, singular in many cases, and it is this feature that determines their usefulness and historical relevance. In the absence of policies followed by practices that bring about meaningful social inclusion for Black people, who make up about one-half of Brazil's population, the governing class will continue trying to convince the people that the country is what it really is not. There are strong indications that this condition will persist as long as the ruling class fails to fully accept the country's rich racial and cultural diversities in formulating public policies, defining and implementing social programs. Brazil prominently stands out internationally because of the following characteristics: its geographical size is larger than that of the continental U.S.; it has a third of the world's agricultural land; its sub-soil is rich in natural resources; and its Amazon region possesses a nonquantifiable amount of plants of incalculable value, along with other living species. The country is not only almost self-sufficient in oil production, but is first in the use of non-petrochemicals for running cars, and continues to be a leader in South America. In summary, this natural wealth has contributed to making Brazil's economy the ninth in the world, and one to reckon with all over the world. For many people, to say that Brazil is "a rich country" is a truth that needs no further discussion. Of its human resource potentials, Brazil can boast of an impressive showcase, especially with regards to the diverse origins of the population. Living in Brazil today are the largest groups of persons of African and Japanese descent outside Japan and Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa. There are also large numbers of descendants of Lebanese, German, Italian, Korean, and of course Portuguese people. Of the known indigenous groups, some tribes continue making their presence better known, as they become an active segment of the Brazilian population. These groups have contributed to Brazil a rich heritage of cultures, races, ethnicities, tribes, and communities. It is this immense diversity that makes the country as diversified as the United States. Brazil's diversity is easily observed and noteworthy in several places in the country, like São Paulo (both State and metropolis), the country's economic powerhouse. It is a society with a rich and very complex diversity. Brazil's diverse nature is recognized by its population, and a large percentage of the population is proud of this. Paradoxically, in terms of social participation, political representation and economic benefits, what predominates is social exclusion. Of all those excluded, the case of Black Brazilians is the most serious. Governments change and anti-discriminatory laws and legislation in support of more equality abound in an ocean of differencing practices. At the same time, these practices grow into social marginalization to the extent of making Blacks invisible as they continue to be treated as non-Brazilians. Brazil exports airplanes, cars, war materials, textiles, agricultural, and leather products. The country remains rich yet has an impoverished population. Intellectuals like Darcy Ribeiro describe this dilemma in the following terms: "In this world of affairs, we Brazilians are a people in becoming, having been impeded from reaching plenitude. A people of mixed-blood in body and spirit ... a mass of natives unaware of their origins from centuries of racial mixing, buried in 'nobodyness' ("ninguenidade") ... bathed in Indigenous and Black blood" (1995, p. 447). In his book published in English, The accidental President of Brazil: A memoir, with Brian Winter as co-author, sociologist and former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (2006), concludes that in order to define Brazil and move on to understand the causes of its structural and historical problems, it would be necessary to focus one's analyses on the country's population of African descendants. The greatest barrier to the construction of an important and highly evolved country in which democratic institutions and practices considered human and ethical predominate, is the problem of discrimination, especially against Black people. Consequently, he urges the development of activities that can directly and effectively fight against the problem of inequalities as inequities, which in fact they are. To make this real, the sociologist and former President proposes flexible and creative programs with a national reach. In order for Brazil to modernize itself, he admonishes that now is the time to implement plans through policies and concrete activities that undoubtedly aim at making restitutions of social rights that have been robbed by elite groups. These active steps could begin to compensate for undeserved deprivations, because all these wrongs have been based on criteria that discriminate against members of some groups. In discussing revolutions in Brazil, Octavio Ianni (1971) observed that the ruling elite always went ahead and conducted "revolutions" so as to prevent the people from doing the real thing. In Brazil, according to this researcher, "revolutions" took place to justify existing modus operandi that was beneficial to the longstanding ruling class. It is necessary to modify this trend because its consequences need to be changed. The ideas and activities that constitute the backbone of affirmative actions (direct social equity drives) are needed in a transformative process that can finally bring benefits to the whole Brazilian populace. The books being reviewed present theoretical and practical guidelines that support and strengthen the possibility of implementing this urgently required, real, down-to-earth change. How do we explain Affirmative Action in Brazil? Affirmative Action policies are being proposed and experimented simultaneously in order to fill a vacuum that has historically characterized Brazil, a country with a large Black and indigenous population, one so very highly composed of multiple racial-ethnic groups. In general, the purpose of affirmative action interventions include social, economic, political and cultural compensatory elements leading to more opportunities that empower the downtrodden and excluded to effectively share in a society's resources. In today's Brazilian context, these mechanisms are being directed at allowing more Black youth and others who have been excluded, greater access to higher education. The most direct form of this policy, and the kind that has been hotly debated, is that of quotas. This will guarantee university entry for some qualified Black students who have been successful in the traditional university entrance examination (vestibular). As the two books under review point out, the Affirmative Action Program (AAP) being demanded has a history, theoretical basis, and methodological support, as well as a wealth of experience accumulated in several cities and universities all over the country. So as to provide the background necessary for this review, we turn to the explanations offered in the II Preface of Affirming rights: Entry and successful performance of Black youth at the university, organized by Nilma Lino GOMES1 and Aracy Alves MARTINS (2004). The section entitled "Redefining the terms of the debate about democratizing the university: The experiences of the Policies of Color Program" (p. 17-32), submitted by Renato Emerson dos Santos, will assist the reader to grasp the justification for the present Affirmative Action Program at the university level in Brazil. These clarifications focus on the Program for Color (Race) Policies in Brazilian Education (PPCor), of the Public Policies Laboratory at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ). The Ford Foundation in Brazil provided the financial support for this Program from 2002-2004. This information will certainly help explain the ties between the two books being reviewed here. 1The last names of the organizers and collaborators of the second book of this review have all been CAPITALIZED to distinguish between the two groups responsible for both publications. The PPCor organized the Color (Race) in Higher Education Research Grant Competition in 2001. The main objectives of this initiative were "to gather existing experiences, as well as to stimulate the development of new initiatives that promote democratic actions, stimulating institutional and government policies that target the fight against inequalities existing in higher education in Brazil" (SANTOS, 2004, p. 19). The Competition also provided an opportunity to survey projects and experiences related to issues of "access and/or continuity of Black students at the university." Of the 287 proposals submitted, 27 from 16 States were approved for research awards. These proposals were submitted by different sectors of society, including movements/organizations of Black people and public agencies. This attempt to expand upon the influences of these experiences could be seen from the fact that there were eleven proposals pertaining to university access, nine about continuity, and seven others were a combination of access and continuity. The brief explanation of each of these projects given by SANTOS (2004), serves as both encouragement and further information. It is worth noting that the Research Grant Competition was also important because it facilitated the sharing of a variety of experiences by participants (organizers, advisors, invited specialists, and awardees) in the conferences and other related academic activities. However, three other factors have contributed immensely to the conflicts around affirmative action (SANTOS, 2004). First, in 2001, State Law Number 3708 guaranteed setting aside 40% of first year university places for Black students successful in the vestibular examinations for the State Universities of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ and UENF). This legislation, which made quotas its focal point, resulted from a series of historical struggles and processes organized by social movements. The second determining factor involved the preparatory activities and consequences of the III World Conference of the United Nations against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Correlated Forms of Intolerance, held in Durban, South Africa, between August 31 and September 7, 2001 (MUNANGA, 2004, p. 47-59). The third factor that motivated the affirmative action movement was the development of free preparatory courses for the university entrance exams that initially began in the Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo areas, but spread to other regions, especially in the 1990s. The books under analysis clearly demonstrate that the major result of all these efforts was the demand for legalizing the Affirmative Action Program in order to improve the opportunities for Black students to "have access to and continue at the university." Such legislation will affect all Brazilians because when it comes to race or ethnicity, one is in fact talking of historical Brazil, its inhabitants today, and its future. If one chooses the "racial democracy" discourse to remain blind and deaf to Brazil's high levels of poverty, one would be hiding from oneself as Brazilian. Opposition to projects like the Affirmative Action Program (AAP) with the goal of openly working for the reduction of historical and socio-economic inequalities in higher education, signifies that Brazil is still inhabited by many who have chosen to remain unaffected by the changing times when coherent individual and collective identities are so crucial for success. Brazil: What are the foundations of Pedagogy of the different? In Taking race seriously: Affirmative action and the university, Joaze Bernardino and Daniela Galdino (2004), have organized a publication that can be considered a remarkable foundation for reflections and discussions about the Brazil that can be: a society talked about by many, but which the ruling groups never allow to develop, a society that is indeed multi-cultural, -ethnic and –racial. This will be a society whose characteristic diversity is not only accepted, but also used to enrich the building of a citizenry that is both specifically Brazilian, and universally recognized as such. Bernardino and Galion provide references to classic scientific publications in the last thirty years about Brazilian racism. The reader will discover that this book contains meaningful elements for a critical explanation "of those factors responsible for Brazil's social inequalities that have to be taken into consideration in formulating adequate policies to confront this situation," to permit building "a country truly democratic for everybody, where economic equality can harmoniously co-exist with respect for differences" (p. 14). The chapters in this book also "propose active involvement of the State in confronting" (p. 9) inequalities that most specifically arise from racism. In this struggle, individuals, especially nationally recognized elite group members, even people of the general population, and members of organized groups (popular movements), have to act as motivators, struggling and applying the systematic and continuous pressure necessary for bringing about needed changes. Nothing will change without the active, permanent, flexible, and constructive involvement of all Brazilians. Under existing conditions, Brazil will persist being a country with a perpetually undefined future. The editors offer their readers the richness of some texts and discussions that resulted from the Regional Seminars of the Program for Color (Race) Policies in Brazilian Education (Programa Políticas da Cor na Educação Brasileira - PPCor). One seminar was held in Itabuna, Bahia (November 11-12, 2003), organized by the Prefecture (Prefeitura) of the city, and hosted by the State University of Santa Cruz (UESC). The second seminar took place in Goiania, Goias (December 01-03, 2003), with the theme "University and affirmative action in the heart of Brazil." Participants at these events included professors and students involved in PPCor projects, political and education dignitaries, pre-university and university students, as well as activists, professionals, and in Itabuna, employees of the Municipal Education System. The texts selected for the book were those that espoused "a perspective favorable to evaluative policies ... that ... focused on benefiting not only discriminated segments of the population, but all Brazilians" (p. 10). In other words, from the title to its last words, this book stresses that in order to know Brazil well; one must understand the historical evolution of its racial ideology and those practices that have nefarious effects upon more than 47% of the population. There is a strong emphasis on the need to know Brazil more critically, that is, to understand the society without resorting to either dominating ideologies or competent discourse because such strategies merely justify the status quo. Based upon this premise, the authors seem to argue that knowing oneself through meeting the other, and getting to know that individual as another whole person, is always an effective strategy for integrating the social development of society, especially a multi-racial one like the Brazilian. Taking race seriously ... consists of eleven chapters. The first chapter by Bernardino (2004, p. 15-38), offers explanations of theories of racism based upon their evolution in national history, as well as other experiences that have been cleverly put together and integrated. These explanations go through arguments in favor of "recognizing inequality and the correct recognition of differences" (p. 33), because in Brazil, such a practice is still uncommon. "What is new is the demand that" diversities "be correctly recognized for what they are," especially in "school so that everybody can be prepared for a world that is in fact diverse" (p. 36). Race as a 'sociologized category' and its destructive consequences for Black people, but also for the whole of society, must be recognized adequately, accepted, and critically incorporated as they really are, in public policies, argues Bernardino (2004). It is worth clarifying that such incorporative practices should be extended to other sectors of society, as well as other kinds of social intervention undertaken by other agents. In "Black people in movement: Construction of autonomy through the affirmation of rights," the chapter contributed by Valter Roberto Silvério (2004, p. 39-69), he argues that "the main problem is that Brazil became a State without first becoming a Nation" (p. 45). This process has helped perpetuate the marginalization "of non-whites to a non-human or semi-human level" (p. 39), a location that makes Brazilians non-Brazilians. Consequently, today, there is a certain agreement among Black activists and intellectuals that the 'racial' question in Brazil needs to be revised" from "the idea of a nation of mixed-bloods to that of a multiracial entity" (p. 43). This is the argument that has maintained organized groups of Blacks in diverse professions, from different age groups, regions, religious backgrounds, and social class levels. The way these movements have been developed, their struggles and clarifying contributions about "Blacks, race, black identity and affirmative action in its most polemical expression as quotas" (p. 65), indicates how Blacks and other Brazilians in different historical periods with varying points of emphasis, have supported the dynamism in the development of autonomy and self-realization (citizenship) "by affirming their rights" (p. 39). In the third chapter, the contributor Sueli Carneiro (2004) discusses "Race, gender, and affirmative actions" (p. 71-84). This discussion is of a unique importance because the writer treats a topic that many people continue not to think about because they refuse to accept that the conditions of Black women are much worse than those of other women, whites (and the Indigenous?). The four-fold nature of the discrimination that a Black woman may be subjected to because of race, social class, gender, and within-gender factors, encourage the less than human treatment that this individual receives. This situation requires urgent attention. As Carneiro insightfully observes, policies with a "universal focus" (p. 71) could be necessary; however, if there is failure to contemplate other determining factors, a "problem of focalization" (p. 75) may occur. Universal policies generally do not reach expected goals because of such "differentiating elements like gender, race and geographical region" (p. 75), social class, and local culture. For this contributor, "demands for quotas and affirmative action policies should not be considered factors that disqualify Blacks. Such an understanding only disguises the fact that these demands, rather than minimize the true value of Black people, are really affirming that these persons and other Afro-descendants have rights, and are conscious that the country owes much to them" (p. 74). Experiences of systematic exclusion, permanent suffering, and the historical dehumanization of Black women in the areas of health, education, and work force, lead this writer to demand that "race, class, and gender variables," as well as intra-gender relations, must be given prominence in "structural questions ... planning of public policies in Brazilian society" (p. 83). Using social data, ideas and lessons from the battles of organized women's groups, Carneiro holds that "equalization of the life conditions of white and Black women constitutes the most difficult challenge that must be squarely faced in developing gender-conscious policies to foster greater equity and prevent crimes that are committed against social equality on a daily basis ... leading to a situation wherein effective rights of citizenship and respect for human rights are only fully enjoyed by that individual who satisfies these four criteria: (being, my addition) white, male, rich, and heterosexual" (p. 82). Rafael Guerreiro Osório (2004) writes about "The 'color or racial' system of classification utilized by IBGE" (p. 85-135). Osório helps demystify arguments that have long sustained the ideology of a racial democracy and the conspiratorial role of the Brazilian Institute of Geography Foundation – IBGE (Fundação Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia) with regards to the issue of "racial self-attribution." The writer explains the development of the system of racial classifications as used by this public Foundation. He reminds us that the IBGE also employs the system of "other-attribution," the method whereby somebody else does the racial classification. In this manner, some coherence is established between the two methods (p. 87). Osório gets it correct when he writes, "the purpose for classifying people along racial lines is never to establish a precise 'biological type,' but rather, to attain some approximation with some local system of sociocultural characterization" (p. 113-114), and the usual consequences that this incurs. This is a much-needed clarification because the terms black, mixed-blood, Negro, or mulatto do not acquit from the "color-based-racism" that predominates in Brazil. The fluidity between "the lines that demarcate the three large skin color zones, black, mulatto, and white" (p. 112) in the classification system used in Brazil is very appropriate. This is so because "it is enough to know that in your relational contexts, your physical appearance puts you in one category (or the other, added by this reviewer) that exposes you to be considered a potential victim of direct or structural discrimination" (p. 87). In such a system, not even the "much desired 'scientific objectivity'" (p. 87) would mean much because the purpose of everyday racial classification is to establish differences in order to treat the non-white person inequitably, and set in motion, a "self-fulfilling prophecy" (p. 89) with regards to the discriminated person. Based upon the data and arguments presented by Osório in this chapter, he admonishes that despite the adequacy of the IBGE system, much reflection is still needed to justify using it "to determine individual advantages" (p. 133). Like any other instrument for making sense of social reality, any attempts to improve upon the Foundation's method would be welcome. However, it must be borne in mind that only after some diligent scientific work would any such instrument even try to represent reality. Delcele Mascarenhas Queiroz (2004) is responsible for the fifth chapter in the Bernardino and Galdino book. The researcher uses data from five Federal Universities: Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Parana (UFPR), Maranhão (UFMA), Bahia (UFBa), and Brasília (UnB). Based upon these data, she justifies "The access of Blacks to higher education and affirmative action policies in Brazil" (p. 138-156). Apart from stressing the relevance of quantitative data, quantitative information collected from these institutions themselves should help bury one of those powerful myths in the social machinery that excludes Black students and other non-whites from university education, exactly "the space (institution) that best represents the most desirable material and symbolic rewards" (p. 139) in any society, especially one historically plagued by inequalities. The researcher alerts the reader about the gravity of the situation. We must remind readers of the fact that the data were collected from public institutions, those that should particularly strive to bring about more equity in the structure of opportunities in a society trying to become more democratic. In Brazil, Queiroz demonstrates that the system of access to the university is organized in such a way that 'inclusive exclusion' is accepted as being meritocratic. Contrary to the general belief that young Blacks 'do not pass the university entrance exam (vestibular),' particularly for public institutions where 'education is free because the government pays for everything,' the data analyses point to a classic example of institutional racism. These data clearly demonstrate that more students are successful in the vestibular than the number actually admitted. Put in other terms, students "qualify for the university but are denied the right to be registered because of the limited number of spaces offered by the institutions" (p. 148-149). The results of the data analyzed by Queiroz (2004) are presented in tables that clearly show the racial composition of the students at these public universities, with white students constituting the most favored group. These results also indicate with remarkable clarity, that in order to implement policies of affirmative action, especially by introducing a quota system for university admission, "it would not be necessary to reduce the requirements and standards of the present vestibular" (p. 149). The Affirmative Action Program can help maintain the meritocratic standards loudly proclaimed as desirable by these institutions. At the same time, it can contribute to the construction of a society that systematically and continuously rewards those who put in the most efforts, while simultaneously helping bring about more equity and transparency in the distribution of social goods. Relevant policies at the other levels of the schooling process are also called for in the case of the non-white students, Queiroz reminds the reader. How can one explain that of the "743 Black students from public high schools who were successful (in the vestibular) to study in high status course programs, merely 167 could in fact register for these courses?" (p. 149) In the final analyses, who really loses when a group of young people who, despite all the difficulties they had to go through, prepare themselves adequately for university education, do extremely well in the vestibular exams, but are prevented institutionally (institutional discrimination?) from carrying on their professional training? Like the silent racism in Brazil, these are just a few of the implicit questions that are raised and highlighted by Delcele Mescarenhas Queiroz. Any socially conscious reader of the whole book can easily raise other very relevant questions. The sixth chapter, "University access: Conditions for producing a false discourse" (p. 157-172), is by Daniela Galdino and Larissa Santos Pereira (2004). They present an intelligent discussion about "the violence, especially ideological, that has so well characterized a nation which, on one hand always boasted of various kinds of wealth, but on the other, has been unable to hide its extreme degree of social inequalities" (p. 157). There is a consequent predominating "naturalization of inequalities" (p. 159) that goes to explain "how Brazilian higher education has been developed as a no-place for Blacks" (p. 161), a prohibited space for them as students or faculty. After a general discussion of power as the historic social capital of the white elite who has maintained their privileges with help from the united force of "knowledge-power," the researchers demonstrate how public university education provides the competent discourse so effectively employed to exclude Black people. "Education is one of the areas where social disparities are found the most, and this same field best expresses the intensity of these inequalities" (p. 157-158). Using their experiences from the State University of Santa Cruz (UESC), in Bahia, these collaborators explain how in a rural society of cocoa growers, the elite group has maintained itself 'in power' through "control strategies ... many times very subtle, but at other times, in explicit ways" (p. 168). With regards to the university preparatory program for Blacks and other socially disadvantaged people (Prune) of Itabuna, Bahia, the researchers in question describe how this program "promotes an education that is both political and pedagogical, a training that goes beyond the vestibular ... (and) has facilitated the participation of students and education professionals ... (This is an example, reviewer's addition) of a viable strategy of how to mobilize people ... for implementing policies aimed at university access and study for Black students" (p.169). Galdino and Pereira (2004) ably show how affirmative actions also serve as opportunities for 'dialogued collaboration' between the government and organized groups of civil society in promoting social-educative interventions. The chapter entitled "Experiences of affirmative action: Interlocutions with the viewpoints of Black youth," by Alecsandro J.P. Ratts and Adriane A. Damascena (2004, p. 173-187), deserved inclusion in the Bernardino and Galdino (2004) organized book not only because of its content, but also because it presents the reflections of students who participated in the Conference in Goiânia. In the text, the reader will encounter reports by these students, and some interpretations offered by the researchers responsible for this chapter. In other words, what can we learn about the Affirmative Action Program (AAP)? And from the perspectives of student-participants and project coordinators, what else could be learnt? The content of this chapter is similar to the texts from the student collaborators of the AAP at the University of Minas Gerais (UFMG), presented in the last section of the book prepared by GOMES and MARTINS (2004), that will be more fully reviewed further on. During their presentations in Goiânia, the student participants emphasized the opportunity "to learn in order to learn" as the basic privilege arising from involvement with the PPCor projects. Their reports about experiences highlight the fact that "developing techniques of inclusion is even more important than financial resources and political will in affirmative action" (p. 179). According to the students, the projects also turned out to be references for academic and social education, as well as sources of pride for all the participants. The development of services that established university-community relationships due to the PPCor projects, also supported the meaning of the triple institutional role of all universities to teach, develop research, and engage in outreach activities. In turn, these expectations also made "the triad - access, continuation (accepted performance levels), and success" (p. 185), the pillars of the Affirmative Action Program, become viable outcomes of the projects in question. This chapter is a preview of the essential message of the other book discussed further down in this review, in that it emphasizes reports about the concrete experiences of AAP participants. One of the arguments readily levied against the adoption of quotas for entrance to the university by Blacks is that such students would not be intellectually prepared, nor have the academic discipline to be able to perform according to desired standards. The data analyzed by Wilson Roberto de Mattos (2004) concretely demonstrate the contrary. Under the title "Social inclusion and racial equality in higher education in Bahia – an affirmative action experience at the State University of Bahia (UnEB)" (p. 189-216), this researcher used statistical data to show "that the quota system had shown itself to be an effective instrument for correcting racial inequality in the access to higher education ... in numerous cases, positions opposed to such practice have been motivated either by ignorance, or simple and pure prejudice" (p. 193). This situation fundamentally deals with systems of truth (validity), about which Foucault states that "each society has its order of truths, its 'general policy' pertaining to the truth. That is, the kinds of discourse any society judges and accepts as truths ... (based upon) those standards established by those responsible for determining that which serves as truth" (1982, p. 12). With this in mind, it is necessary to emphasize that Mattos' text also needs to be highlighted because it utilizes the first set of objective data related to the academic performance of students who were admitted to the university based on the quota system, and those others who gained admission based upon the traditional procedures. The data analyses clearly demonstrated that the two groups of students exhibited very similar performance levels. Mattos (2004) also offers a detailed explanation of how the quota system had been developed and implemented, describing the process and steps that had been followed. Delcele Mascarenhas Queiroz contributed a chapter to each book being reviewed, and the conclusions she had reached from one study logically complement the material presented in this chapter. The data and experiences discussed by both Mattos and Queiroz could be used by other institutions of higher education to learn more appropriately about the quota system if there were the "political will in Brazilian society to do away with racial discrimination; a struggle in which the university has a decisive role" (p. 215). Transformation of this struggle into a conscientious activity, well founded and responsible, is one of the objectives of this book. It is also an ideal source from which to learn more about the discriminatory elements that prevent the constructive changes that Brazil has needed over the last so many centuries. In the ninth chapter of Bernardino and Galdino (2004), Dione Oliveira Moura discusses the "Goals for social, ethnic, and racial integration at UnB: A report by the Implementation Committee" (2004, p. 217-228). This Report is of unique importance because it contains descriptions of the struggles to implement the quota system (using the experiences of UnEB as described by Mattos), and to sign an agreement between the University of Brasilia (UnB) and the National Foundation for Indigenous Populations (FUNAI) that anticipates the entry of indigenous group members into the university. There is a brief reference to the Program of Serial University Entrance Examination (PAS), "an alternative to the traditional vestibular" (p. 219) that is in actual fact a continuation of the system that had always given priority to the already-privileged group members with regard to university education. This chapter is also another example of the success of projects or activities of the AAP, and more specifically, of the quota system. The continuous collaboration between different segments of society, including agencies (public and private) and individuals, should not be overlooked as successful outcomes of the AAP. In other terms, affirmative actions provide opportunities for simultaneously learning to be citizens, while being citizens. The tenth chapter is elaborated by Indaiara Célia da Silva (2004), who discusses the "Curriculum and cultural diversity in the Grapiúna school" (p. 229-240) of the Itabuna Municipality, Bahia. This project was important because it was an effort to reduce the distance between life and school, utilize a curriculum of resistance, and denaturalize racism. This school's curriculum was centered on the participants because "people who participate in the program, who are in different phases of life, really in different life cycles, who must be the focus in systematizing any educational process" (p. 229). The Itabuna Municipal System of Education (IMSE) was structured to work within the perspective of critical multiculturalism. The IMSE incorporated and collaborated with the Affirmative Action Nucleus for Negritude (NAANE) to institute "a policy of life-long education ... organized in such ways that both vertical e horizontal education processes become viable" (p. 237). All the education professionals of the municipality participated in these activities, and there were plans to involve some parents as well. It is clarifying to realize how recognition of the complex nature of racial discrimination serves as the driving force behind the Grapiúna school. Through NAANE, formal and non-formal educational activities were also developed. The researcher here effectively describes an experience wherein the state developed an integrated education program, based upon the reality of the whole administrative region, an entire community. The last chapter, "Pedagogical techniques and racial strategies" (2004, p. 241-251), presented at the PPCor Regional Conference, "University and affirmative action in the heart of Brazil," was selected for Taking race seriously... because it discusses "exclusion," one of the favorite themes of social movement groups in the 80s. Marly Silveira (2004) who contributed the text for this chapter, emphasizes the complexity of the "phenomenon of exclusion which is so vast that it is almost impossible to set limits to it: 'the excluded are all those who are rejected from our material and symbolic markets. They are locked out of our (dominant group's) value system'" (p. 242). The writer believes in the power of school knowledge, and believes that "the 'exclusion' of Black people is the 'exposed fracture' of Brazilian society" (p.245). As such, Silveira (2004) argues that the need for "social inclusion through academic qualifications ... 'an inclusive education system'" (p. 243) justifies the "idea of education for equality" (p. 243). With race as fundamental preoccupation, she presents strategies for the viability of pedagogical policies (practices) for a multicultural school system in which Brazil's differences are understood as the society's essence, and therefore, must be an integral part of this system for developing a true citizenry. Silveira (2004) strongly advocates that Brazil's differences must not be employed as justifications for negative or privileged treatments, but rather as rich and powerful elements for Pedagogy of the different. This final chapter satisfies two interdependent objectives. First, the ideas presented, experiences described, and attitudes recommended are all part of a Pedagogy of the different as a process wherein social education interlocks with schooling. This is education for equality for all in a society that is multi-ethnic, -cultural, and –racial. As an integrated activity, this Pedagogy of the different also treats within- and inter-gender discriminations as very important areas of concern in all activities. Second, the text elaborated by Silveira (2004), the last chapter in Bernardino and Galdino (2004), provides a summary of the theoretical and methodological foundations for the thesis of the book itself; the urgent need to Take race seriously .... At the same time, the discussion presented also serves as a starting point for a good understanding of a Pedagogy of the different that is already being developed by some participants in the Affirmative Action Program at the University of Minas Gerais (UFMG). Some of the experiences from the AAP at UFMG constitute the theme of the other book that I will now discuss. Pedagogy of the different: How can one be developed? The second book in this review was edited by Nilma Lino Gomes and Aracy Alves Martins2 (2004). It primarily contains presentations from the First National Conference on Affirmative Action, held in the School of Education, UFMG, August 20, 2002. There are theoretical texts, others that contain socio-historical foundations, and some that report the experiences of professors, student assistants, and student participants, most of whom belong to the Affirmative Action Program (AAP) at UFMG. The goal of all this book's content is to disseminate "the impressions, challenges, difficulties, accomplishments, and the dream of a team of some Black and white professors, including female and male Black students who deeply believe in the need to construct a university system that is truly public. This group also convincingly holds that such institutions will progressively become more public as there is even wider understanding, recognition, and valorization of diversity. The stakes in question cannot be restricted to higher education alone; they must be extended to the whole society" (p. 10). In essence, while those responsible for the book defend all-inclusive policies and actions, they constantly remind the reader of the urgency of Pedagogy of the different as the most effective way of making education an equalizing mechanism. 2Be reminded that the last names of the organizers and collaborators of this second book of the review have all been CAPITALIZED to distinguish between the two groups responsible for both publications. GOMES and MARTINS (2004) organized written materials from a group of Brazilians who continue to believe that their society can be transformed through the involvement in activities of social education by all in the country. Introducing, or even better, giving continuity to this collaboration in university education is vital because the consequences of such efforts will eventually spread all over the country through various social agents, cultural pathways, and political-economic organizations. The book under review describes and explains the bases, expectations, and the modus operandi of an engagement whose goal is the democratization of higher education as the means of increasing social opportunities in the struggles to build a society so badly wanted by the majority of Brazilians, a society wherein more opportunities will be created for everybody, especially for the most marginalized men and women. This second book is divided into six sections with 37 chapters; a division that is, in itself, instructive. It presents discussions about "Times of struggles and of challenges" (p. 9-15), and "Experiences from the Program for Color (Race) Policies" (p. 17-31) as background for grasping the meaning of the Color (Race) in Higher Education Research Grant Competition and the AAP at UFMG. All of these programs/projects serve as instruments for an education (undergraduate degrees) with the goal of good employment later. These experiences will also help participants be able to participate fully in the production of scientific knowledge through graduate degrees. Such accomplishments will be the "empowerment" (p. 23) of members of groups that have historically been forgotten. In the second section of the book, there is information useful for developing "a profitable dialogue" related to the "Affirmative Action Program at UFMG: A courageous proposal" (p. 37-45), with implications for other such projects in similar institutions countrywide. Along these same lines of engaged hopefulness, Professors Kabengele MUNANGA and José Jorge de CARVALHO (2004) respectively discuss the social, political, and cultural foundations that justify "defending the quota system" (p. 47-59), and "Affirmative actions as bases for a Black-white-Indigenous alliance against racial and ethnic discriminations in Brazil" (p. 61-96). They aim to prove in a categorical manner that the need for a quota system for Blacks because they compose the group whose members are historically the least-represented (most excluded), and similarly, argue coherently in favor of forming groups across racial-ethnic lines to fight against all forms of discrimination, are indeed 'innovative ideas.' These new ideas need to be given special attention because they have been produced nationally (locally), and forwarded by researchers who know the Brazilian reality very well. Besides, these proposals are similar to those that have been implemented in other multi-ethnic-racial societies like South Africa, the United States, Mexico, and Colombia, among others. Chapters about "Affirmative actions in Brazil" (p. 97-143) are in the book's third section. Experiences from other institutions (PUC/MG), and those of the XXI Century Generation Project being developed since 1999, are described. In this latter project, various non-governmental agencies have come together to give integral assistance to "21 youth, their families, schools, and the community" because these organizations believe "in the reduction of racial inequalities..." by "investing in human potentials, in human wealth, and not in poverty, in people's abject neediness" (SILVA, p. 119). This statement gives immense support to the activities of the AAP. Essentially, to invest in Brazil's future has to do with investments in people's human condition by way of integral support for young men and women, as the future of any society. In the other chapter, QUEIROZ (2004) once again, as she did in chapter five of the Bernardino and Galdino volume, uses statistical data to "objectively" demonstrate that there is an "over-representation of white persons and an under-representation of Blacks in universities. This situation repeats itself even at institutions in States like Bahia and Maranhão, where the Black population is predominant" (p. 143). Besides, while even the few Black students are in university programs of lower social status, the whites are in areas of study with much higher status. Such data cannot but indicate a system of social-cultural reproduction. Such quantitative data from five federal universities (UFRJ, UFPR, UFMA, UFBA, and UnB) confirm what many scholars have suspected for some time; now we can state with greater confidence that this is the situation as it really is. The next section in the book consists of texts related to the "Experience of learning while teaching: The professors' reflections" (p. 145-203). In these chapters, the reader will not only learn about the AAP at UFMG and the reflections of participating professors, but also learn about their challenges, accomplishments, creativity, and courage to work with the new. Through activities like training in basic scientific skills and other kinds of projects that assist and simultaneously help develop professor-student collaboration, these professors confirm some added value to affirmative actions in Brazilian society. It is not only male and female professionals working together, but Black faculty members developing socio-cultural and educational activities with their white colleagues. These kinds of collaborative activities are uncommon among social researchers in Brazil, especially when the focus is on members of the Black population. Some of the non-Black faculty report that it has not been easy to become involved in a program that supports Black students. Statements like these, common among the participating white faculty, indicate the problematic nature of the partnership – "but I ask myself: who am I (a white professor), to speak about racial issues?" (p. 189), MARINHO (2004) asks. For GOUVÊA, "to be white in Brazil" (p. 181-188) turns the situation of Blacks into "a problem for others," a theme that should not be her concern (or of other members of her class and racial group?) because "racism was always understood either as a strange category, or a very inadequate one among whites for thinking about racial relations in Brazil" (p. 182). For members of this latter group, participation in higher education, just as occupying leadership positions in other socio-political areas, is considered "my 'natural' place of social insertion, a product of my own personal merit" (p. 185). Another way in which this is expressed, is as follows: "The racial issue has been a concern of mine for a long time, though as a somewhat abstract reality" (DAYRELL, p. 171). What is evident from this white faculty in the AAP at UFMG is that "participation is not exactly in a formative project in which I, the professor, am training a group of students. Rather, it is a process of formation in which we are learning to live together in a different way ... another kind of togetherness, a way of being together wherein historical tensions can be truly modified" (GOMES, p. 151-152). This collaborative education that engages both Blacks and whites, faculty and students, announces the following vital message: all discriminations and forms of racism are silent destructive forces that do not only affect their direct victims, but above all, negatively influence the whole of Brazil. To lead the society to see the racial-ethnic problem as the Brazilian social problem in urgent need of solutions by the "nation" is also part of a social education; a recognized form of the Pedagogy of the different. The central value of the texts in this section of the book is to help the reader become aware of the importance of "emotional understanding" (GOMES, p. 149) as a necessary condition for developing affirmative action projects. The last two sections of the book essentially cover the "Experience of learning at work: Reports by the monitors" (p. 205-251), and the "Experience of learning to learn: Reports by student Program participants" (p. 253-276). When reading texts such as, "What it is to be a Black in Brazil today" (OLIVEIRA, p. 215), "Affirmative Actions: A worthy path to take" (BRITO, p. 217), "From an identity to several identities: The steps of a (re)construction" (FERREIRA, p. 237), and "Competent Blacks against the wave" (MORAIS, p. 245), just to cite some, the reader will come across interpretations developed by this group of student monitors about the transformative power of affirmative actions. About their assessment of experiences gained from the Program, the student participants elaborated reports like, "Constructing a Profession" (DEUS, p. 255), "A student's trajectory: Ethnic-racial and writing difficulties" (PEREIRA, p. 259), "Reflecting upon the past, present, and the future" (MACIEL, p. 265), and "One more Black dies" (JESUS, p. 267), to indicate their agreement that in participating in the Program at UFMG is affirming rights, because access to and successful performance of Black youth at the university, are being positively affected. The reader will be able to analyze how these monitors and student AAP participants made the best of the opportunities (social space) provided by the Program at UFMG (as in other institutions?), to strengthen their academic, social, political, and cultural education. What contributed the most to this possibility was "the fact that the Program was not assistencialist, but one of collaboration in the education of social agents no longer willing to reproduce the status quo" (SILVA, p. 251) of exclusionary marginalization. This system of organized exclusion sustains "The violence of racism ... in such a way as to guarantee an ethnocentric normality, that legitimizes the superiority of one group ... and ... justifies racial inequalities" (SILVA, p. 249). In order to fight against this historic epidemic, the wisdom, creativity, courage, determination, and conscientiousness as citizens (with responsibilities for social justice and ethical rights) of the Program's participants should encourage the reader to ponder "that the formation of groups engaged in activities like the Affirmative Actions Program at UFMG, rooted in the conception of specific public policies favorable to members of a particular ethnic-racial group who have suffered inequalities regarding their rights as citizens, is a necessary and justified practice in any true democracy" (MEIRELES, p. 276). Conclusions There are a few minor editorial problems with both books. There are references that fail to be included in the bibliographic sections and quotations that do not follow the rules of the Brazilian Association for Technical Standards (ABNT). Some repetitions, were it not for the didactical nature of the books, could have also been easily avoided. Nevertheless, none of these oversights should diminish the invaluable nature of these publications. The positions, suggestions, criticisms, experiences, and evaluations contained in these books are clarifications with easy to understand messages. What is needed in order to fully understand the essence of the authors' messages is the interest to inform oneself with the purpose of defending a clearly defined position in the discussions and debates about affirmative actions in Brazil. This is even more so regarding the adoption of a quota system in university admission practices for Brazilian qualified youth of African descent. Similar measures aimed at assisting the Indigenous population are also a must, the arguments conclude. The inclusion, or at least mention of other experiences related to affirmative actions in other parts of the country, could have fortified the implicit message of the books. To demand the introduction of programs to help those who are still absent from the university in Brazil is a necessity for Blacks and members of Indigenous groups. There are moreover, members of other groups, especially poor whites who could also benefit from those programs whose goals include making university education as preparation for the work force, more accessible. The same goes for access to graduate studies. Affirmative actions, as the example from the Federal University of Santa Maria (UFSM) in Rio Grande do Sul demonstrates, could be implemented using diverse methods. The title of the article, "Yes to quotas, but with merit: A Gaucho program takes public school students to the university – without assistencialism," (Camila Pereira, Veja, October 19, 2005, p. 63-64), already speaks for itself. The most important is introduction of programs and projects that guarantee a representative presence and active participation in university life by all youth in Brazil. In a society characterized by horizontal and vertical diversities, these attempts must contemplate different factors that would facilitate accommodating all groups. There is no lack of creativity to develop systems that are adequate for Brazil's numerous peculiarities. Except for cross-references, the authors seem to have forgotten Blacks in the former slave havens (quilombos). It is an obligation to contemplate the inclusion of the inhabitants of these communities, also excluded during centuries, in discussions about affirmative actions in the school system, from the elementary level, through reflections about a quota system for access to higher education. Much can be learnt from their experiences of struggles and conquest of socio-political opportunities (space). We understand that since its formation, Brazil has always been a pluri-racial and multicultural country. Despite the fact that only the history of the victorious non-Blacks and non-Indigenous peoples has been repeatedly narrated without corrections, now is the time for the History of the conquered to have voices and places. This is an academic, economic, social, and cultural necessity. This demand is also political because without an understanding of our History as a people, each time, it becomes more difficult to build a society that is equally integrated and meritocratic. If the society is not integrated and dependent upon merit-based practices, it becomes more challenging to be successful in the competitive environment ushered in by globalization. So as to attain the objectives of true nation building, it becomes necessary to study the history, culture, and contemporary reality of those groups that compose Brazilian society. The inhabitants of the rural Black communities in Piauí and other States are important because they form these groups. Their struggles and forms of resistance provide crucial lessons about how a group can conquer its voice and place even after centuries of being silenced and marginalized (Boakari & Gomes, 2006, p. 52). Also very much felt in the two books is the absence of texts, or at least consistent references that expose and expound upon ideas and arguments that oppose affirmative actions, especially in its most politically correct form, the quota system for the admission of Blacks into different public institutions and private organizations. However, it can be argued that the objective of these publications was to present material to support reflections about affirmative actions; and only in its most positive dimensions, considering that ideas to the contrary were already embedded in between the lines of the texts themselves. Besides, it can be stressed that having presented both theoretical and practical information considered relevant and sufficient for Pedagogy of the different, is enough by itself. While I was working on this review, in July/August 2006, a petition was being circulated to collect signatures from supporters of more robust government interventions in the case of racial discriminations. This document, "A manifest in support of the Law of Quotas (PL 73/1999) and the Statute for Racial Equality (PL 3198/2000)" was to be forwarded to Deputies and Senators of the National Congress of Brazil. This measure was taken in response to "a document that opposed the Law of Quotas and the Statute for Racial Equality that had been recently submitted to congressional members by a group of academics belonging to various elite institutions in the country ... directly rejecting these two laws ... without presenting any concrete alternative proposals to racial inclusion in Brazil, but simply repeating that we are all equal before the law, and that what is needed is to improve upon existing public services until these become equally accessible to all segments of society." The attitude of these "Brazilian scientists" goes to prove the existence of a systematic resistance by the elite to changes in favor of the marginalized (Teixeira, 2006). They repeatedly use the trickle down theory, belief that wealth will gradually reach the exploited poor (including the 'without anything') from the elite groups, as justification for their refusal to even consider other possible social structure-practices. With regards to this theory upon which this group depends, no general and consistent evidence exists to prove its validity till today. There is everything to indicate that it is merely a "fallacious discourse," 'bogus arguments to divert attention from the real issues.' Similar arguments are still being used to derail and destroy efforts to give life to struggles against racism (Kamel, 2006). For example, during the military regime, members of leftist groups (still Marxists?) argued that with the destruction of capitalism (and the return of democratic institutions), 'all other problems, much smaller by nature,' such as racism, would be subsequently eliminated. History shows that this argument (position) was not only deceitful, but that it continues to be unrealistic even today. In this same fashion, some male chauvinists engaged in the struggle against different kinds of discriminations want us to believe that after the problem of racism has been resolved, 'the minor problems of differentiating treatments based upon inter- and within-gender characteristics' will disappear, be successfully resolved once and for all. We hope there are still thoughtful people in Brazil, definitely able to see beyond these smoke screens presented by racists in the clothing of intellectuals who try to speak like scientists! Needed: Pedagogy of the different? A careful reading of the works being reviewed could assist considerably in becoming a citizen, as well as be useful material that could help in making Brazil grow with integrity. As such, through a process of multiplying effects, other Brazilians could get to know themselves while they participate in consolidating a society formed by members of different racial-ethnic groups. This knowledge of self would only bring along advantages when a growing number of Brazilians come to accept the society's diversity and more fully incorporate the constructive implications of such a condition. Only when more people in the country become well informed about existing racisms and the strategies, both conscious and unconscious, used for their perpetuation, would it be realistic to think of constructing a society that can integrate all Brazilians. It is worth noting that at the end of all that has been presented, somebody in search of a theoretical framework about race relations and education would be immensely compensated by the rich national and international bibliographies quoted (in the book), references covering various socio-historical periods (GOMES & MARTINS, 2004, p. 14). Besides, administrators of public and private enterprises, including professionals from all areas, especially teachers at all levels of the schooling process, as well as people from all age groups who actively help make Brazil's everyday reality what it is, could learn much from reading the two books under review. For the researcher who cares to know this society, Brazil as a problem to analyze explicitly, that latent country with which few are concerned, carefully going through these books cannot be sufficiently recommended. They contain texts that will be useful to the beginner, the more advanced student, and even the specialist in Brazilian studies. Similarly, they serve as relevant material for the contemporary foreign researcher/writer (brasilianista) driven to truly understand the Brazil that can only become comprehensible when examined from the bottom (Marxian infrastructure). This will be a technique for social observation that is different from the usual; the one that presents us with a Brazil of "cordial racism" without racists! The topics treated in the books seem to shout aloud that it is impossible to have any "-ism that is cordial." Neither racism nor "chauvinism," and much less "sexism," can ever respect the dignity of the other. In all its forms, discrimination kills the discriminated with a violently slow death! The goal of these reflections is to emphasize the need for each Brazilian to know him/herself more properly. The books organized by Bernardino & Galdino (2004) and GOMES & MARTINS (2004) provide references that will be useful to whose who want to engage in this self-examination in order to assist in constructing a New Brazil. This New Brazil will be a society that justifies its wealth through adoption of concrete steps to make investments that are equal, ethical, and rational, enabling those segments of society socio-economically underrepresented, to have very good opportunities (equity) in a progressively egalitarian society. Those engaged in the struggles for affirmative action policies in its diverse modalities are merely demanding this new society, not only because it is a viable possibility, but above all, because it will be for the good of the whole Brazilian society. If this comes to fruition, we would no longer have hunters and hunted; but all would become hunters, taking aim at society's shortcomings in an effective way for solving the problem of all of Brazil's problems, that is, the non-critical negation of discrimination in its most violent manifestations – ethnic, racial, regional, sexual, and gender related. Carefully reading the books Taking race seriously ... and Affirming rights ... should help confirm not only how urgently needed is a Pedagogy of the different for this country, but also indicate some workable strategies that could help civil society transform Brazil through the development of schooling and social education activities, using opportunities (existing and to be created) in public institutions, private organizations, other agencies, and instances. References Banks, James A., (2005). Cultural diversity and education: Foundations, curriculum, and teaching. San Francisco, CA: Allyn & Bacon. Boakari, Francis Musa, Gomes, Ana Beatriz Sousa, (2006). Comunidades negras rurais do Piauí: mapeamento e caracterização sóciocultural. Teresina: EDUFPI. Bourdieu, Pierre, Passeron, Jean-Claude, (1970). A reprodução: elementos para uma teoria do sistema de ensino. Rio de Janeiro: Francisco Alves. Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, Winter, Brian, (2006). The accidental President of Brazil: A memoir. New York, NY: Public Affairs, Perseus Books Group. Foucault, Michel, (1982). Microfísica do poder. Rio de Janeiro: Graal. Freire, Paulo, (1987). Pedagogia do oprimido. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra. Friedman, Thomas L., (2005). The world is flat: a brief history of the twenty-first century. New York, NY:Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Hall, Stuart, (1999). Identidades culturais na pós-modernidade. Rio de Janeiro: DP&A.; Hanchard, Michael, (1999). Racial politics in contemporary Brazil. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Ianni, Octavio, (1971). Estado e planejamento econômico no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira. Kamel, Ali (2006). Não somos racistas. São Paulo: Nova Fronteira. Miceli, Sérgio, (1979). Intelectuais e classe dirigente no Brasil. São Paulo: DIFEL. Ribeiro, Darcy, (1995). O povo brasileiro: a formação e o sentido do Brasil. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Teixeira, Jerônimo, (2006). Contra o mito da "nação bicolor".Veja, Agosto, 16, p. 126-127. About the reviewer Francis Musa Boakari, Professor in comparative and international education, cultural estudies and educational research in the University of the Incarnate Word, San Antonio, Texas, Estados Unidos. Formerly associate professor at the UFPI, Teresina, Piaui.